The anti-capitalist mobilisations against the Italian summit were so bad it made 2006 in St. Petersburg, Russia, look interesting. So I decided on a stroll along some back streets to get some shots of the damage done, only to be ejected from the area after 15 minutes by two military personnel.
Following our own journalist team’s night of stakeout on the road that cuts the two main sections of the camp in two, early this morning the Calais Migrant Solidarity Campaign reported CRS police fired tear gas into the Pashtun camp and arrested five people. Eritrean and Iraqi refugees were also reported as being detained in Calais centre. For the refugees, spread widely across the town, this was business as usual.
Around 2.30am, due to our car being too small, I pulled out my sleeping bag and tried to sleep by the side of the road. I was very aware of how exposed I was there, as occasional police cars slowly passed observing us. Every hour a mass convoy of trucks would come from the port, many of them pulling up on the roadside – time for the drivers to rest. Some drivers would open the rear doors on their trucks to expose empty containers. With nowhere for people to hide inside the containers, this seemed to be a deterrent to the refugees. Besides, the trucks would be heading in the opposite direction to which the refugees wanted to go.
Refugees occupy themselves by playing volleyball
Security sniffer dogs search for refugees
By sunrise it was clear the raids were not going to happen. Three CRS vans were being followed and monitored by a car full of activists. Others sat outside the largest Pashtun camp, looking totally exhausted after a night of a near-military style operation, of monitoring and information updates.I spoke with one of the Association Salam volunteers to get better idea of the situation. He said the raids to clear and destroy the camps had been promised by French Immigration Minister Eric Besson before the end of the year, but believed they would not try it this week.
The whole operation came about after Gordon Brown signed a £15 million deal with President Sarkozy in Evian, to further tighten the borders at Calais, Boulogne and around the Channel tunnel at Coquelles. In return, it seems, the camps are to be cleared forever.
The operation to round up and deport an unknown number of refugees across the entire city would be huge. The known numbers in the two main Jungle camps were around 1100, 600 in one cramped camp alone. It was known over 1800 were in and around Calais, but it was impossible to get an accurate figure. The three Jungle camps had grown rapidly, with new camps appearing every few days – Afghans, Iraqis, Iranians and Palestinians, Eritreans, Sudanese and Somalians.
From my first visit in December 2007 to now, July 2009 it was clear this crisis had reached unbelievable proportions. Again, discovering the origins of the refugees was like a writing a global conflict list, each country facing one kind of foreign intervention or another, but it was predominantly the war on terror that had forced these people from their lands.
But one thing that was more apparent than anything else, other than the distinct female minority in all nationalities, was the increase in the number of young children in the refugee camps. It seemed to me for every three adults there was one child, usually around 11 to 14-years-old.
Many of those I have met just in the last month were well educated, many spoke good English and until they forced to leave their land they had good jobs. Unfortunately, those good jobs in Afghanistan meant working as translators for the US and UK military, and for private security firms – a job which will get your entire family killed when the Taleban track you down.
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They came with pig masks, a trough full of pig swill and a banner declaring “Bonuses Are Back”. The “Pig Party” was to draw attention to the “business as usual” policy of the banks of sky-high bonus payouts not one year after the UK taxpayer bailed out the economy and banking system to the tune of £500 million.
>All stills, video and print on this blog – is (c) Jason N. Parkinson 2009. All Rights Reserved.
From January to June 2009 the UK Tamil population headed into the streets of London for some of the largest and most powerful protests seen in many years. Over the months the protests massed from 125,000 to 250,000. Regular peaceful road blockades around the Houses of Parliament shut down major sections of London’s infrastructure.
Sri Lanka did eventually come under international scrutiny, after being accused of using chemical weapons and cluster bombs, bombing safety zones, hospitals and indiscriminately killing tens of thousands in the final six month assault against the Tamil Tiger rebels, who were listed on the international prescribed terrorist list.
The ruling Sri Lankan government stood accused of genocide, concentration camps and using the tsunami aid money for weapons, as well as multimillion dollar deals in oil and gas exploration off the north-west coast of Tamil-controlled areas in Sri Lanka.
The flag is listed as a symbol of the Tamil Tigers, a prescribed terrorist organisation in the UK. But the real flag was white, not red, as is the national Tamil flag.
But when the UK was caught selling weapons to Sri Lanka to the sum of £13.9 million and British Gas already owned the seismic survey information on one of the potential oil and gas blocks, it comes as no surprise that the UK government, bar a few individual politicians, failed to act on what will go down in history as one of the worst genocides of the 21st century.
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